This paper examined: if the Cumulative Scale of Severe Sexual Sadism distinguished female sexual sadists from nonsadistic sex offenders and if sadistic behaviors were comparable for male and female sexual sadists.
The coding of these items was done using archival data such as criminal complaints, police reports and sexual offender assessments. The criterion was a clinical diagnosis of sexual sadism which was present for 5 individuals. Using a cut-off of 4 points, the total score of the scale identified all female sexual sadists correctly whereas only two of the presumably nonsadistic female offenders were false positive cases.
Upon closer inspection of their case files, however, these two cases could also be diagnosed with sexual sadism. The relative frequencies differed strongly from the corresponding values for males which may indicate gender-specific differences in the expression this disorder. The sadism scale thus appeared to be a viable aid for diagnosing sadism in female sexual offenders. Implications for further research were discussed. Key Words: Assessment, female sexual offenders, sexual deviancy, sadism, sexual sadism scale.
Specifically, the central enduring element of sexual sadism, the derivation of sexual pleasure from inflicting pain both physical and psychological onto another person, has been retained in the current major diagnostic taxonomies DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association, ; ICD; World Health Organization, As described by Krafft-Ebing in his classic work, Psychopathia Sexualis :. If potent, the impulse of the sadist is directed to coitus, coupled with preparatory, concomitant or consecutive maltreatment, even murder, of the consort "Lust Murder" , the latter occurring chiefly because sensual lust has not been satisfied with consummated coitus.
Subsequent descriptions of male sadists expanded upon these early conceptualizations and two additional characteristics were determined to be essential features of sexual sadism: feelings of power and control and violent sexual fantasies Yates et al. For sadists, the infliction of pain is not an end in itself, but the means by which to experience power and control accentuated by sexual gratification Proulx et al. In psychodynamic terms, this behavior of forcing someone to unwillingly succumb to physical and psychological pain represents a process of objectification that allows the sadist to perceive himself as possessing the person Fromm, The second common trait of male sexual sadists, the presence of violent sexual fantasies, appear to have a role in both the "genesis" and maintenance of sadistic behaviors Yates et al.
Although " When he experiences distress or becomes disinhibited, a sadist may "actualize" his fantasies by engaging in a sexually sadistic offense to resolve or alleviate internal stress. After engaging in the sadistic behaviors, the deviant behaviors are maintained by fantasy which become a cue for sexual response MacCulloch et al. It is important to note, however, that while explanations of sadistic sexual fantasies based upon personality and learning theories may be applicable to the maintenance and escalation of deviant behaviors, they do not explain how these fantasies are initially developed MacCulloch et al.
As stated by MacCulloch and colleagues: " Perhaps one major challenge relating to the accurate diagnosis of sexual sadism as a paraphilia is the presence of non-pathological sadomasochistic interests and behaviors for most participants Richters, J. In a telephone interview of 19, respondents years of age, Richters and colleagues found that 1. As they further found for these respondents, sadomasochism was not associated with psychological distress, sexual difficulties or a pathological symptom of past abuse.
In a similar study of a sample of male volunteers, 40 to 79 years of age, Ahlers and colleagues found that As they concluded, for males, paraphilia related behaviors cannot be regarded as unusual from a normative perspective. In an early study, Breslow and colleagues empirically investigated the prevailing view that females did not participate in the sadomasochistic or if they did, the numbers were too small to be analyzed.
Based upon the responses on questionnaires which included males and 52 females, they found that women comprised meaningful presence in the sadomasochistic subculture. Overall, they found that non-prostitute women participated in sadomasochistic sex and exhibited some similarities with non-prostitute heterosexual males.
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Both groups were similar in age, tended to be better educated and either remained unmarried or had higher divorce rates. In addition to other similarities, both male and females showed approximately the same degree of sexual interest in a large number of specific sexual acts. A notable difference, however, was that males discovered their sadomasochistic interests earlier in life while females were introduced to it by a sexual partner.
Additionally, females also tended to engage in sadomasochistic sex more often with a greater number of partners. Not only did they conclude that the criteria used by clinicians to diagnose sexual sadism were inconsistent with both the ICD and DSM-IV, the application of the criteria included "idiosyncratic" elements Marshall et al.
In response to these diagnostic inadequacies, Marshall and Hucker subsequently used a modified grounded theory approach to develop the Sexual Sadism Scale which is essentially a item list of behavioral indicators determined to be associated with sexual sadism see Table 1. As they suggested, "the scale serves both the needs of a categorical classification system, such as DSM or ICD, while at the same time employing the benefits of a dimensional system that has been touted by some as a better approach to diagnosis In follow up research, Nitschke and colleagues evaluated the psychometric properties of the Sexual Sadism Scale , particularly whether the criteria set conformed to a scale and if it differentiated sexually sadistic offenders from non-sadists.
That is, they explored empirically whether the list of criteria put forward by Marshall and Hucker or a subset thereof would represent a cumulative scale.
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For this purpose, the criteria was scored dichotomously as either present 1 or absent 0. Their methodology incorporated two significant changes to the original scale which included: 1 changing the first item of the scale from "offender is aroused by sadistic acts" to "offender is sexually aroused to the act" which was made in order to prevent a circularity of argument; otherwise, the item content would presuppose what the scale was about to measure; and 2 and requiring at least three of the five "core" items i.
After applying the modified scale to the archival data of forensic patients committed to a high security hospital for mandatory treatment, they found "almost perfect" inter-rater reliability with "substantial concordance on the single item level The resultant scale was also highly reliable and represented a strong scale of the Guttman type with no misclassifications, that is, it correctly distinguished sadists from non-sadists.
In a follow up study, Mokros, Schilling, Eher and Nitschke , replicated the structure of the original item set indicative of severe sexual sadism with a sample of sexual offenders from Austria, 18 of whom had a diagnosis of sexual sadism. Although the deterministic properties identified in the original sample couldn't be confirmed, the items corresponded to a one parameter logistic model. Thus, the set of items retained the properties of a cumulative scale with a total score as a sufficient statistic for an underlying trait Mokros et al.
The reliability estimates, specificity and sensitivity were lower than the original sample, however, but still within an acceptable standard for making clinical decisions. That is, there was good criterion validity with the DSM-IV-TR diagnosis with a large effect size for distinguishing sadists from non-sadists.
In addition to validating Marshall and Hucker's criteria for identifying sexual sadists, Nitschke et al. A second diagnostic consideration that can be drawn from their conclusions was that sexual sadism is the manifestation of a "latent trait" which "offers a unified explanation for overt behavior" Nitschke et al. Available research, however, indicates that the way in which these factors are manifested by female sexual offenders are different from those exhibited male sexual perpetrators.
This study applied the Cumulative Scale of Severe Sexual Sadism to a sample of 90 female sex offenders, which included some sexual sadists, previously diagnosed for clinical and not research purposes, in order to examine if there were common factors between male and female sexual sadists based upon the behavior manifestations of their offenses as well as to determine whether or not the scale could distinguish those females previously diagnosed with Sadism from those without the diagnosis.
The hypotheses for this study included:. As noted, the offenders' self-reports were generally consistent with other information found in the file. Included in the sample of 90 female sexual offenders, five offenders had a diagnosis of sexual sadism which was determined prior to their inclusion in this research study. The diagnosis of sadism was given by psychologists, at admission to the prison, based upon a consensus that they fulfilled the DSM-IV TR criteria utilizing documented offense history of inflicting physical violence upon victims and self-reports of associated sexual arousal.
Demographic information for the sample was derived from when the offender committed the index sexual offense. As indicated in the records, the average age of the subjects at the time of the index sexual offense was Demographic information for this sample is consistent with what is generally known about the demographics of female sexual offenders in general. The data was analyzed by first examining if Nitschke et al. The authors of this study scored the sadism scale on all 90 subjects.
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Since there were a relatively small number of female sexual sadists in the sample, the analysis qualitatively compared demographic characteristics of female sadists and non-sadists, the frequency distribution of total scores and the frequency distribution of individual items between males and females.
First-Degree Sexual Assault. Section Second-Degree Sexual Assault. Third-Degree Sexual Assault.
It also prohibits nonconsensual sexual contact involving intentional ejaculation or emission of urine or feces if such conduct is either for the purposes of sexual degradation or humiliation or sexual arousal or gratification Class D felony. Fourth-Degree Sexual Assault. The complete State of Wisconsin sexual assault definitions and categories are found in Section Other sexual offenses include sodomy forced anal intercourse , oral copulation forced oral genital contact , rape by a foreign object forced penetration by a foreign object, including a finger , and sexual battery the unwanted touching of an intimate part of another person for the purpose of sexual arousal.
Minors, persons suffering from mental illness or defect that impairs capacity to appraise personal conduct, and persons who are unconscious or for any other reason are physically unable to communicate unwillingness to act are presumed unable to give consent. Failure to resist does not indicate consent. It can include verbal, emotional, physical, or sexual abuse, or a combination of these. Domestic Violence. In an effort to reduce the risk of Sexual Misconduct, the College uses a range of campaigns, strategies and initiatives to provide awareness, education, risk reduction, and prevention.
Educational programs are offered to raise awareness for all incoming students and employees. Bystander engagement is encouraged through safe and positive intervention techniques and by empowering third-party intervention and prevention such as calling for help, using intervention-based apps, identifying allies, and creating distractions.
College programs also offer information on risk reduction that strives to empower victims by teaching them how to recognize warning signals and how to avoid potential attacks, and it does so without victim-blaming approaches. Throughout the year, ongoing awareness and prevention campaigns are directed to students and employees, including faculty, often taking the form of e-mails, guest speakers, training, lunch and learns, videos, and other campaigns.
The College takes Sexual Misconduct very seriously. If a person is accused of Sexual Misconduct, the person is subject to action in accordance with the Student Handbook or Employee Handbook, as applicable. Anyone with knowledge about Sexual Misconduct is encouraged to report it immediately. If you are the victim of Sexual Misconduct, some or all of these safety suggestions may guide you after an incident has occurred:.
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College sanctions for Sexual Misconduct range from warnings through expulsion or termination of employment, as applicable. If a person believes they were subject to an act of discrimination or harassment, including Sexual Misconduct, they may report the discrimination or harassment to the College pursuant to that Procedure.
All sex offenders are required to register in the state of Wisconsin and to provide notice of each institution of higher education in Wisconsin at which the person is employed, carries a vocation or is a student. Such notification may be disseminated by the College to, and for the safety and well-being of, the College community, and may be considered by the College for enrollment and corrective action purposes. MPTC Counseling Services provide short-term personal counseling, and career and academic counseling to help you reach your goals and stay mentally healthy while attending college.
Have a Question? This field is for validation purposes and should be left unchanged. Current categories of sexual assault follow: First-Degree Sexual Assault. The assault involves the use or threat of use of a dangerous weapon, or what appears to be one.
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The perpetrator is aided or abetted by one or more other persons and the assault involves the use or threat of use of force or violence. Injury, illness, disease or impairment of a sexual or reproductive organ, or mental anguish requiring psychiatric care for the victim.
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Assault is abetted by one or more other persons. Assault upon a patient or resident of a health or treatment facility or program by an employee of that facility or program.